Black Central Americas

Overview

Situated approximately 70 kilometers east of Bluefields in the Caribbean Sea, the Corn Islands—comprising Great Corn Island and Little Corn Island—have long been integral to the historical and cultural landscape of the Mosquitia region. Historically governed by the Miskito Kingdom under British protection, the islands served as key sites of maritime trade, cultural exchange, and Afro-descendant survival. From the eighteenth century onward, Corn Island became a node within wider Caribbean networks of labor, kinship, and resistance, shaped by British imperialism, African enslavement, and local Indigenous displacement. The arrival of enslaved Africans, brought by British settlers from Jamaica and San Andrés, established the foundational presence of Afro-descendant communities on the islands. Despite successive waves of colonization, the Corn Islands remain central to Afro-Caribbean histories of struggle, emancipation, and cultural endurance in Central America.

Afro-Descendant and Afro-Indigenous Foundations

The earliest known inhabitants of the Corn Islands were the Indigenous Kukra people, who were displaced by Miskitu groups in the seventeenth century with support from English buccaneers. By the mid-eighteenth century, British colonists established cotton and indigo plantations on Great Corn Island, worked by enslaved Africans brought from across the British Caribbean. British Superintendent Robert Hodgson Jr. acquired the island in 1774 and managed it as part of the regional plantation economy. During unrest in Bluefields in 1790, the Hodgson family relocated to Corn Island with more than 140 enslaved people, further entrenching the island’s role in the slave-based economy of the Mosquitia.

By the early nineteenth century, Corn Island was one of the most entrenched sites of enslavement in the region, rivaling San Andrés and Providencia. Enslaved Black laborers were essential to cotton harvesting, domestic service, and maritime labor. Little Corn Island served primarily as a site for cattle keeping and resource support for the larger island's plantation economy. By the 1830s and 1840s, expansive coconut groves had developed on both Great Corn Island and Little Corn Island. These groves became increasingly important to the local economy as coconuts were harvested for trade with regional and U.S. markets. Following emancipation, coconut cultivation and the turtle shell trade overtook cotton as the principal exports, as formerly enslaved people began investing their labor in more autonomous forms of economic livelihood.

Emancipation and Political Struggle

On August 27, 1841, British Colonel Alexander MacDonald, with Miskito King Robert Charles Frederick, declared the emancipation of 98 enslaved individuals on Corn Island. This foundational event, commemorated annually in the Crab Soup Festival, marked a formal break from slavery and helped consolidate a shared Afro-Creole political identity. However, structural inequalities persisted. In 1853, formerly enslaving Creole landowners petitioned British authorities for compensation, and continued to dominate land ownership and political life.

The islands’ autonomy was undermined further in 1860, when the Treaty of Managua placed the Mosquitia under nominal Nicaraguan sovereignty while establishing the semi-autonomous Miskito Reserve. That autonomy was fully eroded in 1894 when the Nicaraguan military forcibly annexed the region. Corn Islanders resisted occupation, staging an uprising in defense of their territory and self-governance.

Under the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty of 1914, Nicaragua leased the Corn Islands to the United States for 99 years. Although the U.S. did not claim sovereignty or establish a permanent military presence, the islands were nominally subject to U.S. jurisdiction. Local governance remained in Nicaraguan hands, and U.S. strategic interests—particularly related to the protection of the Panama Canal—were the primary motive behind the lease. The only significant U.S. infrastructure established was a lighthouse on Little Corn Island. The islands were officially returned to Nicaraguan control in 1971, but the legacy of external intervention continued to shape local political and cultural life.

Demographics and Migration

Corn Island has long maintained a predominantly Afro-descendant population, with English-based Creole as the primary language and cultural foundation. Emancipation catalyzed regional migration: some freed islanders moved to Bluefields, Pearl Lagoon, and Bocas del Toro, while others maintained strong kinship and trade ties with communities in Jamaica, San Andrés, and Providencia. These connections formed a dense Afro-Caribbean network that shaped the region’s economic, cultural, and familial landscapes.

In the twentieth century, the fishing industry emerged as a major economic force, especially from the 1960s onward. This drew new labor migrants to the island, including Miskitu families from the mainland. While their presence diversified the population, it also reflected broader shifts in state development strategies and resource extraction. Despite increased state intervention and tourism-driven development in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, Corn Islanders have maintained strong Afro-Caribbean identities rooted in language, land, and kinship. Although often overlooked in national narratives, Kukra heritage also endures through oral tradition and family memory.

Black Social and Cultural Movements

Corn Island’s Afro-descendant population has long engaged in cultural and political organizing. The annual Crab Soup Festival—held on the anniversary of emancipation—functions not only as a community celebration but also as a powerful affirmation of Black survival and pride. It features traditional food, particularly the namesake crab soup, alongside storytelling, music, and historical remembrance. The festival represents an assertion of communal identity and resistance against the erasures of colonial and national histories.

Protestant churches—particularly Baptist and Anglican denominations—have been foundational to the spiritual and cultural lives of Corn Islanders. Ebenezer Baptist Church and School, established in 1852, was one of the earliest educational institutions for Afro-descendants on the island. These churches played a crucial role in community formation, moral guidance, and cultural preservation, fostering a sense of belonging and continuity across generations.

Corn Island is also the birthplace or ancestral home of several prominent Black women artists whose work has profoundly shaped cultural memory in the Mosquitia region. June Beer—whose father hailed from Big Corn Island—created visual and literary work that centered the lives, dignity, and political voices of Black and Indigenous peoples. Nydia Taylor, a textile artist, draws from Creole social and cultural history and customs to create arpilleras/patchwork pieces that document local community life. Karen Spencer Downs, known for her expressive portraits of Afro-Caribbean women, crafts a visual archive of feminine presence, memory, and cultural knowledge. These living artists exemplify the vital role of Creole women’s cultural production in affirming identity and transmitting history across generations, deeply rooted in the community and cultural landscape of Corn Island.

Key Resources/Institutions

• Corn Island Culture House – A space for cultural preservation and education, showcasing exhibits on island history, art, and maritime life.
• Corn Island Virtual Library – A digital archive project dedicated to documenting the oral history, genealogy, and cultural practices of Corn Islanders.
• Ebenezer Baptist Church and School – Established in 1852, this historic institution has served as a cornerstone of Black education and religious life.