Brief History of Afro-descendants in your assigned site during the colonial period (16th-19th centuries), including details about enslavement and marronage and resistance to colonial violence via education, the law, the press, and/or the arts
Between 1511 and 1513, the first enslaved people arrived on the American continent in what is now Panama (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 5). It was the beginning of centuries of Africans being forcibly brought to the Americas by the Spanish as enslaved labor. This enslavement was not passively accepted. Many fought for freedom from enslavement by taking and creating opportunities to escape.
Collective violence was a common method used to obtain freedom. On slave ships traveling from Africa to the Americas, despite disadvantages to the captors due to weaponry and training, the enslaved people would work collectively to kill the crew, seize the ship, and return to Africa (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 12–13). Other methods of liberation primarily occurred in two forms: cimarronaje (marronage) and apalencamiento (leverage). Marronage was when rebels who freed themselves from slavery individually would regroup with others. They were called maroons and moved around frequently, often living in jungles or forests. Leverage was when enslaved peoples would rebel in groups. Once they liberated themselves, they tended to form more permanent communities called palenques (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 14–15).
From the 16th through 19th centuries, despite much of the Panamanian population comprising individuals of African descent and the significant impact the Black population had on regional development, a caste system based on race was developed. The system privileged those who most resembled white people. White and Creole populations lived in a walled area, while Black, Indigenous, and Mestizo people lived outside in a place known as “El Arrabal” or “The Suburb” (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 19, 21). This created a physical and architectural representation of racial hierarchy.
Eventually, the caste system weakened—often due to Black people filling essential leadership roles that the small white population could not. As the caste system weakened, so too did the number of enslaved peoples. By the 1840s, less than 1% of the Panamanian population was enslaved.
On January 1st, 1852, slavery was officially abolished (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 26, 34).
In 1850, the Panama Railroad Company began construction of the Panama Railroad to support transportation during the California Gold Rush. The project was completed in 1855 using contract labor from over 5,000 Afro-Antillians from Jamaica (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 35). In the 1870s and 1880s, during a failed French attempt to build an interoceanic canal, over 50,000 workers—mostly Jamaican—migrated to the region, with many settling permanently (Corinealdi 2022, 6; Lowe de Goodin 2012, 48).
From 1904 to 1914, hundreds of thousands of people from the Caribbean islands arrived in Panama to work on the construction of the Panama Canal (Corinealdi 2022, 7). The U.S. established its own systems of governance, policing, courts, and schooling around the canal, importing Jim Crow policies that excluded and discriminated against Panamanians and non-white laborers.
The most explicit form of this discrimination was the “gold and silver rolls” system. White U.S. citizens were paid on the “gold” roll—with higher salaries and benefits—while Black and Afro-Caribbean non-U.S. workers were paid on the “silver” roll, which offered significantly lower pay and no benefits. “Gold” workers earned four times as much as “silver” workers. Racial segregation extended to living arrangements, with separate “gold” and “silver” towns (Corinealdi 2022, 14–15).
The “gold and silver” system not only exploited labor along racial lines, but also placed disproportionate burdens on West Indian women who migrated to the Canal Zone. In The Silver Women, Joan Flores-Villalobos (2023) describes how these women engaged in paid work—cooking, laundering, and domestic service for white Americans—as well as unpaid care work and emotional labor, especially in the face of loved ones lost to the canal project. Without their labor and sacrifices, the canal would not have been completed (Flores-Villalobos 2023, 2–4).
On February 24, 1920, poor treatment of workers led to an international, diasporic strike that lasted nine days. It drew support from 90% of workers and included 12,000–16,000 Afro-Caribbean laborers (Corinealdi 2022, 9; Lowe de Goodin 2012, 73). Though ultimately unsuccessful due to heavy policing, the strike laid the groundwork for future labor movements and strengthened the fight for unionization (Corinealdi 2022, 10).
In 1941, Panama’s constitution was revised to declare Spanish the official language and included explicitly racist and xenophobic language targeting Black immigrants who did not speak Spanish, along with people from North Africa and Asia. Although the 1946 revision removed explicit racism, it maintained Spanish as the official language in an effort to assimilate the population into a Hispanic identity. Progress toward equality continued. In 1972, the constitution was updated again to include a principle of equality that prohibited discrimination (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 89–90).
Over the past century, Panamanians of African descent have continued fighting for justice and equality. Political leaders like General Omar Torrijos prioritized the inclusion of Black and Indigenous voices, appointing Afro-Panamanians to positions of leadership (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 106). Afro-Caribbean activists fought for citizenship and recognition as Panamanian (Corinealdi 2023, 57). Organizations such as the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) supported Afro-descendant communities by advocating for racial justice through education, journalism, and activism (Corinealdi 2023, 8–9, 163–164).
The shared experiences of anti-Black exploitation across the Americas have “precipitated a new consciousness about the conditions that bound them together across national and colonial borders” (Flores-Villalobos 2024). Afro-Panamanians have continued to advocate for change, building diasporic communities that challenge xenophobia, racism, and white supremacy.
Significant dates and/or events in the history of the Afro-descendant communities were
The city’s demographics both historically and in the present moment (including racial and ethnic makeup) and major migration waves and movement across the Central American isthmus and abroad Colón is the capital city of Colón Province in Panama. The city’s population is estimated to be 261,671 (United States Census Bureau 2021).In the 16th century, Spanish colonizers brought individuals from Africa, the Iberian Peninsula, and other Spanish colonies as enslaved laborers in Panama. These individuals were called “Negros Coloniales” and had Spanish-sounding surnames (Priestley and Barrow 2008, 228). In the 1850s, 5000 migrants from the Caribbean went to Panama to build the Panama railroad. In the 1880s, over 50,000 more migrants, mostly from Jamaica, but also from Barbados, St. Lucia, and Martinique, traveled to aid the French attempts to build an interoceanic canal and railroads. Over 10,000 of those laborers died over the course of the construction processes, but many remaining migrants chose to stay and established a strong presence of Afro-Caribbean migrants and descendants in the region. (Corinealdi 2022, 6).When the Panama Canal was constructed from 1904-1914, the population of the region more than doubled, with 150-200k Caribbean migrants traveling to the region to help build the canal. Most of these migrants were from Barbados, with others from Jamaica, Saint Lucia, Martinique, and other parts of the Caribbean. Many died or experienced severe injuries, during the building of the Panama Canal. After its construction, around half of the workers opted to stay, and many stayed in Colón, at the Atlantic entrance to the Panama Canal, leading to the majority of Colón’s population being of Afro-Caribbean descent. This demographic has led to a unique Afro-Caribbean culture in the region. Many of the occupants have also undertaken diasporic and local internationalist projects to connect black people in the hemisphere (Corinealdi 2022, 6-8).Panama is often portrayed as a rainbow society (crisol de razas) that claims to be free of racism. This narrative promotes racial ambiguity, whitening, and racial harmony, between whites, natives, and Blacks of colonial origin. This system splits the Black population into two groups: the “Negros Coloniales” of colonial origin – with Spanish-sounding surnames, and the Antillanos or Chombos who are of Caribbean/West Indian ancestry – with English-sounding surnames. Only the Antillanos are considered Black under the Panamanian system, which minimizes the recognized presence of Blacks in the area, leading to discrimination and segregation that is often unrecognized by the government (Priestley and Barrow 2008, 229).
A brief analysis of key contemporary (20th century to present) Black social movements, including, for example, Black feminist organizing, movements for territorial rights, and/or cultural and arts movements Women like Amy Denniston, Amy Jacques Garvey, and Maymie de Mena wrote about women’s issues in the Panama Tribune. Through this platform, they “cultivated Afro-diasporic kinship networks, developed critiques of local xenophobia, engaged with Black nationalist politics, and championed early Black feminist causes.” They often critiqued the exclusion of women in the fight against racism, spoke about education, and used journalism as a medium for affecting change on culture and Panamanian society (Flores-Villalobos 2023, 208-209).
In 1519 and beyond, there were several maroon rebellions in Panama. Schwaller (2018) argues that due to the continuous work of the maroons, Spain wasn’t able to successfully conquer Panama, as their work was continuously undone by maroon interference. He states that the territory Spain would “conquer” would be reconquered by the maroons demonstrating the continuous resistance that former enslaved peoples would fight for. The Spanish crown was eventually forced to make concessions to the maroons to maintain control over the region (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 14-15).
In 1999, a Black Movement in Panama grew and accomplished great gains. Two Panamanians of West Indian descent were appointed to the Supreme Court of Panama, a Coordinating Commission of Panamanian Black Ethnicity Day was started, and they worked to bridge the gap between Blacks of Caribbean descent and of colonial descent. Beyond that, they also reformed discrimination laws, participated in the World Conference Against Racism, and effectively lobbied to create a Special Commission for Black Inclusion in Panama, among many other things. The Black Movement continues their fight for equality and justice for the Afro-descendant community in Panama (Priestley and Barrow 2008, 231).
Today, Afro-Panamanians are continuously excluded from positions of political and economic power. Colón, where the majority of the population is of Afro-Caribbean descent, has a noticeable lack of support from government services and social sector investment. Panamanian society tends to value assimilationist mestizo cultural value of lighter skin tones and the mix of the “rainbow society,” which leads to discrimination against Black Panamanians in hiring practices, law enforcement, and government resource distribution. In 2016, the Panamanian government created the National Secretariat for the Development of Afro-Panamanians (SENADAP), which sought to promote greater equality and rights for Afro-Panamanians. Other groups, including, the National Coordinator for Afro-Panamanian Organizations (CONEGPA) have also continuously fought for Afro-Panamanian rights. However, Afro-Panamanians continue to be unrecognized in areas of daily life, which becomes apparent in the inequalities they face. Afro-Panamanians have high levels of unemployment, poverty, and literacy. They also have less access to healthcare, in comparison to the rest of the population, which has led to high prevalence of health issues such as diabetes and hypertension within Afro-Panamanian communities. Even so, Afro-Panamanian organizations and activists have continuously fought for their rights and continue to do so today (Minority Rights Group, n.d.).
A short (approximately 5-8) annotated list of important institutions (cultural centers, organizations, museums, etc.) and Black artists, organizers, and/or scholars from your sites.
Bayano was one of the most well-known Panamanian maroons. After arriving in Panama, Bayano escaped enslavement and was elected as king of a group of fellow maroons. From 1552 to 1558 Bayano brought together more than 1200 maroons. Together, they attacked mule trains, stole boats, and threatened to burn ports to keep the Spanish in check. Although Bayano was eventually imprisoned, he is still hailed as an inspirational Panamanian fighter for freedom and equality. The extent of rebellions such as his led to the Spanish crown making concessions in 1533 to maintain control of Panama, including asking for forgiveness from the maroons and issuing decrees that would prohibit inhumane punishment (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 15-17).
Pedro N. Rhodes was born in 1894 in Colón, Panama. He was trained as a lawyer and served on the Colón Municipal Council. Eventually, he became an attorney, one of only thirty-eight people in Colón at the time. He advocated for Afro-Caribbeans when naturalization and citizenship laws changed. Much of his work focused on petitioning against the nationality law, which was a discriminatory policy that increased the difficulty of obtaining Panamanian citizenship and created the risk of denationalization. Although his petitioning was initially unsuccessful, he and other Afro-Caribbean Panamanians called for the full-scale review of the 1941 Constitution. This led to the 1946 ratification of a new constitution that removed direct attacks towards Afro-Caribbean Panamanians (Corinealdi 2023, 64-71).
George Westerman was born in Colón in 1910. He wrote several books and essays about the experiences of Afro-Antillean immigrants in Panama (Lowe de Goodin 2012, 45). He was the chair of the LCN (Liga Civica Nacional), which supported Afro-Caribbean self-advocacy in constitutional reform debates. As chair, he helped with revisions to the Constitution, which created the new 1946 Constitution. Westerman was also instrumental in creating diasporic relations between the US and Panama. He wrote for the Panama Tribune and published essays, including his 1948 essay, “Gold vs. Silver Workers in the Canal Zone” (Corinealdi 2023, 68-69, 81). He also published pieces about inequities in the canal Zone to the New York-based magazine, Common Ground, which caught the attention of African American U.S Representative, Adam Clayton Powell Jr. (D-N.Y.), who asked Westerman to write a report about the discrimination in the canal Zone. The report forced a debate in Congress and a call to review U.S. labor policies in the Zone. While there were no changes to the policies, it was a demonstration of diasporic solidarity and coalition building of Black activists (Corinealdi 2022). Through his various mediums he commented on politics, education, justice, racism, xenophobia, and more (Corinealdi 2023, 87).
The Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) was one of the local Black nationalist organizations that helped fight against racism in Panama. It is based at Colón’s Liberty Hall (Flores-Villalobos 2023, 207). In Colón, the UNIA branch operated a school and bakery, owned real estate, and hosted weekly meetings for the organization. UNIA helped organize labor strikes and connect African diasporic communities (Corinealdi 2023, 9).
Dash Harris Machado, also known as diasporadash, is a Black, Latina, historian, consultant, journalist, and digital content creator. She has over 25,000 followers on Instagram and uses her platforms to discuss anti-blackness, racism, xenophobia, Black Latin American History, Latinx identity, and more. She is the co-founder of AfroLatino Travel, co-host of the Radio Caña Negra podcast. She is an activist who has produced documentaries about Latinx identity, published several personal essays, and creates informational videos on social media about AfroLatinx history and experiences.
The Panama Tribune is an English-language newspaper started and run by Afro-Caribbean Panamanians. It has made significant impact through its coverage by connecting Panamanians to the global experiences of people of color. The newspaper was a voice for the experiences of Afro-Caribbean Panamanians. Given that this was a community-run paper, it required community staffing, representation, and readership. The underrepresented voices of Afro-Caribbean descendants that were written the Tribune worked to inform the community members of relevant events and experiences as well as act as a platform for discussion of topics including assimilation, race or ethnic pride, and xenophobia (Corinealdi 2023, 25, 29-31).
Bibliography Corinealdi, Kaysha. 2022. “Perspective | Jim Crow Was Hemispheric. So Was the Black Activism That Sought to Dismantle It.” Washington Post, February 18, 2022. https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2022/02/18/jim-crow-was-hemispheric-so-was-black-activism-that-sought-dismantle-it/.———. 2023. Panama in Black: Afro-Caribbean World Making in the Twentieth Century. Duke University Press.Flores-Villalobos, Joan. 2023. The Silver Women : How Black Women’s Labor Made the Panama Canal. 1st edition. University of Pennsylvania Press. https://www-degruyter-com.proxy.library.georgetown.edu/document/doi/10.9783/9781512823646/html#contents.———. 2024. “A Black Woman’s History of the Panama Canal.” Modern American History 7 (1). https://doi.org/10.1017/mah.2024.8.Lowe de Goodin, Melva. 2012. Afrodescendientes En El Istmo de Panamá 1501-2012. Segunda Edición Español. Editora Sibauste, S.A. https://archive.org/details/afrodescendientes/mode/1up?view=theater.Minority Rights Group. n.d. “Afro-Panamanians in Panama.” Minority Rights Group. https://minorityrights.org/communities/afro-panamanians/.Priestley, George, and A. Barrow. 2008. “The Black Movement in Panamá: A Historical and Political Interpretation, 1994–2004.” Souls 10 (3): 227–55. https://doi.org/10.1080/10999940802347749.Schwaller, Robert C. 2018. “Contested Conquests:African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620.” The Americas 75 (4): 609–38. https://doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.3.United States Census Bureau. 2021. “International Database.” Www.census.gov. December 2021. https://www.census.gov/data-tools/demo/idb/#/dashboard?COUNTRY_YEAR=2024&COUNTRY_YR_ANIM=2024&CCODE_SINGLE=PA&CCODE=PA.
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